After my first two days at COP30 in Brazil, I was immersed in Brazil’s culture and learned from representatives of countries around the world.
My first day at the conference was spent in the Green Zone. At the Conference of the Parties (COP), the Green Zone is largely dedicated to demonstrating tangible climate solutions and expanding public awareness of environmental solutions. The Green Zone is open to all, and features pavilions showcasing Brazilian governmental agencies, non-governmental organizations, and private companies. Additionally, the Green Zone promoted national and Amazônia culture, featuring indigenous vendors, local cuisine, and art. Furthermore, an objective of the event was to raise awareness and engage the population of the host city, Belém, with the UN’s climate agenda. I was able to visit a variety of pavilions, but the ones that interested me the most included a talk by the vice president of Brazil, Geraldo Alckmin, a COP and coffee: Oceans talk with Deloitte, and an exhibition by Be8 Energy. Be8 showcased a semi-truck powered by renewable biodiesel. Additionally, the Green Zone featured pavilions advocating for an end to the genocide in Palestine, as Israel’s invasion has devastated the natural environment of the region. Overall, the Green Zone provided me with an immersive experience that framed my perspective as I spent the rest of my week in the Green Zone.
My second day at the conference was spent in the Blue Zone. The Blue Zone is where the “magic” happens. And by magic, I of course mean official climate negotiations. Access to the Blue Zone is restricted to official delegations. For most of the day, I explored the delegation pavilions with fellow UConn@COP fellows, Andy Zhang and Saanya Sharma. The pavilions featured each country’s environmental commitments and national culture. It was extremely interesting to see the variation and organization of each country’s pavilion. Countries like Saudi Arabia, the United Kingdom, China, Germany, and, of course, the host country, Brazil, were all large and featured alongside the conference’s main promenade. In addition to exploring the pavilions, I sat in on a variety of panels throughout the day. The panels I listened to explored the business coalitions underlying Brazil’s decarbonization, what structural reforms are needed to transition electrical grids away from fossil fuels, and climate resilience engineering. As I reflected upon my day, I realized these panels each demonstrated different methods of change. The panel on Brazilian businesses and climate resilience engineering emphasized the outsized role private involvement must play in reducing greenhouse gas emissions. This contrasted with the renewable energy panel, which largely focused on making large structural changes, emphasizing societal and governance shifts, including permitting reforms, investing in grids in anticipation of increasing demand, and increasing grid interconnections. Overall, the panels and pavilions demonstrated the diversity of climate solutions on display at COP30, and I am excited to continue to explore the conference over the next 3 days.
Brett Hurley is a second year law student.
There have been several discussions and plans to implement programs for countries to provide support and aid for those that are disproportionately impacted. Developed countries have even, to a certain extent, owned up to some responsibility for the vast damage they have caused to our environment. However, plans and discussions do not mean execution by any means. We simply do not have the luxury of ten more years until our climate rises past 1.5 degrees Celsius and truly, we have achieved irreparable damage to the environment.
My first day at COP was oddly both what I was expecting and equally overwhelming. Before attending COP30, I had done research on previous COPs and was familiar with COP possessing a slow mediation process where countries often do not reach a “satisfying” conclusion. It was a known fact that different nations contain different perspectives, which consequently makes negotiation extremely difficult. There are notable deep-rooted historical divides and groupings of cultures, and while I was aware of this, seeing these relationships firsthand was a culture shock compared to social and racial groupings I had witnessed in America on a national level. One of the first events I attended at COP was the COP Presidency Consultation on Mountains and Climate Change. This meeting was the final consultation that was established to draw a conclusion on how to move forward in addressing climate issues in mountain regions. The Mountain Group, represented by a delegate from Kyrgyzstan as well as Nepal and Georgia, were the main drivers in proposing annual discussions on mountains and climate change. These groups also wanted to instate climate change in mountainous regions as an agenda item. The European Union (EU) countered this request by claiming that their region also has mountains and feels an annual conversation, as well as having this topic as an agenda item, is unnecessary. They stated that this workstream seemed counterproductive and it was preferable to have a streamlined subsidiary. Japan also agreed with this rhetoric and claimed that despite having mountain ranges in their region, they also aligned with the EU. I found it interesting that despite mountain regions collectively forming negotiations and counter-responses, the regions seemed to separate into groups: lower-income countries and economic and political powerhouses.
Later on, I also attended the COP Presidency Consultation on the Special Needs and Circumstances of Africa, which I found especially insightful in terms of highlighting the dynamics between groups of countries. Colombia began the discussion by highlighting the regional bias of focusing on Africa and how this focus delegitimizes COP concerns. Pakistan also agreed with Colombia’s point and added that developing countries shouldn’t “compete vulnerabilities,” because all developing countries should be spotlighted at COP—a term that was echoed throughout the conference. The African Group disagreed, emphasizing that their unique position as a region that contributed less than 4% to global emissions yet struggles the most with climate change consequences raises a specific concern that needs to be addressed. Tanzania argued that this conference was “not a vulnerability contest” but rather a focused discussion on Africa utilizing “information already on the table.” South Africa reiterated the claim that Africa contributes the least to climate change but is subject to so many of its adverse effects, emphasizing that the region’s women, youth, and rural communities were most vulnerable. The South African delegate also stated that the country was already grappling with heightened food insecurity, noting that climate change caused a 34% decrease in food production on the continent. Zimbabwe, the Caribbean Community, and several other African countries emphasized that the Paris Agreement did not need to be rewritten, but rather implemented to provide attention to Africa.
Latin America’s stance reflects a concern that elevating Africa as a distinct category could undermine their visibility. Africa may be marginalized or facing a climate crisis in a distinct way, but other countries seem to view the addressing of these issues as a threat to their region’s focus. Latin American countries share a culture and climate (as well as climate issues), which creates a solidarity based on history and culture. However, a shared solidarity can also isolate alternative regions as “others” who are a threat to their own climate focus, a dynamic that is likely emphasized within this COP negotiation.
What I found was a circle of tables, facing inward, with screens in the middle showing a policy document. One party leads the discussion and would hear out countries as world leaders decide the text, semantics, and phrasing of policy that will impact billions of lives. As I watched the parties work, I was struck by the push and pull of compromise, argument, and defiance. I listened as parties unanimously struck entire paragraphs of text while having unresolved conflict over the wording of a single sentence. 
I was able to attend a panel conduct by the Water for Climate Pavillion regarding NAPs and NDCS: Sectoral and Regional Insights. During this panel there was a variety of different panelists, such as Juanita Ariza Guzman (the Economic Commissioner for Latin America and the Caribbean of the United Nations (ECLAC),) Soraya Salcedo (the Deputy Director of International Cooperation of Colombia), and Paula Martinelli (Global Water Advocacy Officer for Wetlands International). These panelists all worked in a variety of fields, but with the same goal in mind: to preserve water in our world and to create a policy in support. However, there were a lot of perspectives and technical progress that I was unaware of. For example, I was able to talk to Paula Martinelli after the panel about her experience working in policy for water and other countries. She expressed the daily challenges she faces every day working in international affairs. She is constantly working with other countries to help them develop, to implement and/or improve their freshwater ecosystem. As much as you think countries would appreciate the support provided by an NGO, such as Wetland International, there is constant backlash that must be discussed. NGOs like Wetland International are doing their best to preserve water and support communities that are suffering from access to freshwater. But some countries only see the value of improving these issues if there is an economic benefit. In addition, as an advocacy officer in wetlands not only are you advocating for the community but also for the ecosystem.
Entering the United Nations annual climate summit to a police barricade and indigenous communities selling their products outside in the intense heat and humidity was not something I anticipated. However, that was slightly naive of me, because we are at an international summit with international leaders. However, the tension between who is heard and who is just being listened to was palpable throughout the conference. Before getting to the conference, we had seen the headlines about the protests by local communities, but I did not realize the proliferation of the divide.
This division between who is being heard and listened to is the most evident when discussing financing the loss and damages fund. It is apparent that developed nations, international monetary bodies, and international aid organizations are not designed to help enable the country to build resiliency of any kind, financial, social, political, or environmental. The methods currently in place do not allow funds to be distributed to building political infrastructure and knowledge on these topics, they are currently only designed for specific projects. This puts these countries in a cycle of never getting the money to prevent these issues from happening or being forward thinking. This division is largely echoed throughout the larger Loss and Damage Fund COP negotiations as well. The division here was what countries have money to spend and what countries need to spend money to survive. As you can probably infer they are not seeing eye to eye. Which is just defeating because if we cannot come together for our collective earth what can we come together for?
In response, one of the delegates argued that the meeting violated Article 4.8 of the Paris Agreement, which in my opinion was a complete misinterpretation. Article 4.8 emphasized equity and differentiated responsibilities, not uniform treatment under different circumstances. The entire meeting felt unproductive and at times, unprofessional, with several parties appearing to delay the conversation instead of contributing to it, which is why I am looking forward to reading the official written report of this meeting!
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There is so much more I could go on about and so many valuable observations and pieces of information I have learned in the first 3 days I have spent at COP. I will quickly fire off some final thoughts (some inspiring and some discouraging) since landing in Belem: The culture in the Amazonia region of Brazil is deep and rich, the Indigenous Tribes in Brazil do not feel like their voices are getting proper representation in the conference, it is controversial that Brazil is advocating for Rainforest conversation while expanding oil drilling, it is crazy that international legislation is being written before my eyes, and how can any real action come from these “agreements” that are only enforceable by “peer pressure” and driven by economic benefits?
